Saturday, 28 April 2012

Laïcité From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia


Motto of the French republic on thetympanum of a church, in Aups (Vardépartement) which was installed after the 1905 law on the Separation of the State and the Church. Such inscriptions on a church are very rare; this one was restored during the 1989 bicentenary of the French Revolution.

French secularism, in French, laïcité (pronounced [la.isiˈte]) is a concept denoting the absence of religious involvement in government affairs as well as absence of government involvement in religious affairs.[1][2] French secularism has a long history but the current regime is based on the 1905 French law on the Separation of the Churches and the State.[3] During the twentieth century, it evolved to mean equal treatment of all religions, although a more restrictive interpretation of the term has developed since 2004.[4] Critics do not consider it neutral but hostile to religion, whereas since World War II, some have seen the evolution of a "positive" laïcité which manages competing pluralities rather than serving as secular alternative to religion.[5] Dictionaries ordinarily translate laïcité assecularity or secularism (the latter being the political system),[6] although it is sometimes rendered in English as laicity or laicism. While the term was coined in 1871 in the dispute over the removal of religious teachers and instruction from elementary schools, the term laïcité dates to 1842.[7]

In its strict and official acceptance, it is the principle of separation of church (or religion) and state.[8] Etymologically, laïcité is a noun formed by adding the suffix -ité (English -ity, Latin -itās) to the Latin adjective lāicus, loanword from the Greek λᾱϊκός (lāïkós "of the people", "layman"), the adjective from λᾱός (lāós "people").[9]




The word laïcité has been used, from the end of the 19th century on, to mean the freedom of public institutions, especially primary schools, from the influence of the Catholic Church[10]in countries where it had retained its influence, in the context of a secularization process. Today, the concept covers other religious movements as well.

Proponents assert the French state secularism is based on respect for freedom of thought and freedom of religion. Thus the absence of a state religion, and the subsequent separation of the state and Church, is considered by proponents to be a prerequisite for such freedom of thought. Proponents maintain that laïcité is thus distinct from anti-clericalism, which actively opposes the influence of religion and the clergy. Laïcité relies on the division between private life, where adherents believe religion belongs, and the public sphere, in which each individual, adherents believe, should appear as a simple citizen equal to all other citizens, devoid of ethnic, religious or other particularities. According to this conception, the government must refrain from taking positions on religious doctrine and only consider religious subjects for their practical consequences on inhabitants' lives.

Supporters argue that Laïcité by itself does not necessarily imply any hostility of the government with respect to religion. It is best described as a belief that government and political issues should be kept separate from religious organizations and religious issues (as long as the latter do not have notable social consequences). This is meant to protect both the government from any possible interference from religious organizations, and to protect the religious organization from political quarrels and controversies.

Critics of laïcité argue that it is a disguised form of anti-clericalism[citation needed] and infringement on individual right to religious expression, and that, instead of promoting freedom of thought and freedom of religion, it prevents the believer from observing his or her religion.

Another critique is that, in countries historically dominated by one religious tradition, officially avoiding taking any positions on religious matters favors the dominant religious tradition of the relevant country. They point out that even in the current French Fifth Republic (1958–), school holidays mostly follow the Christian liturgical year, even though Easter holidays have been replaced by Spring holidays, which may or may not include Easter, depending on the years. However, the Minister of Education has responded to this criticism by giving leave to students for important holidays of their specific religions, and food menus served in secondary schools pay particular attention to ensuring that each religious observer may respect his religion's specific restrictions concerning diets. To counter the traditional influence of Christian festivals educationalists in line with market forces have often promoted references to Santa Claus, Valentines and Halloween, particularly at primary school level.

Other countries, following in the French model, have forms of Laïcité – examples include Mexico and Turkey.[11]

[edit]Contemporary French political secularism

The principle of laïcité in France is implemented through a number of policies. The French government is legally prohibited from recognizing any religion (except for legacy statutes like those of military chaplains and the local law of Alsace-Moselle). Instead, it recognizes religious organizations, according to formal legal criteria that do not address religious doctrine:

  • whether the sole purpose of the organization is to organize religious activities (so that, for instance, the pretense of being a religious organization is not used for tax evasion)
  • whether the organization disrupts public order.

French political leaders, though not prohibited from making religious remarks, refrain from it. Religious considerations are generally considered incompatible with reasoned political debate. Of course, political leaders may openly practice their religion (for instance, president Nicolas Sarkozy is a Catholic), but they are expected to refrain from mixing their private religious life with their public functions. Christine Boutin, who openly argued on religious grounds against a legal domestic partnership available regardless of the sex of the partners, was quickly marginalized.

The term was originally the French equivalent of the term laity, that is, everyone who is not clergy. After the French Revolution this meaning changed and it came to mean keeping religion separate from the executivejudicial, and legislative branches of government. This includes prohibitions on having a state religion, as well as for the government to endorse any religious position, be it a religion or atheism.

Although the term was current throughout the nineteenth century, France did not fully separate church and state until the passage of its 1905 law on the separation of the Churches and the State, prohibiting the state from recognizing or funding any religion. All religious buildings in France (mostly Catholic churches, Protestant temples and Jewish synagogues) became the property of the City councils. Those now have the duty to maintain the (often historical) buildings but can't subsidize the religious organizations using them. In areas that were part ofGermany at that time, and which did not return to France until 1918, some arrangements for the cooperation of church and state are still in effect today (see Alsace-Moselle).

Laïcité is currently a core concept in the French constitution, Article 1 of which formally states that France is a secular republic ("La France est une République indivisible, laïque, démocratique et sociale.") This of course does not prevent an active role on the part of the state (Presidence of the Republic, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Ministry of the Interior) in the appointment of Catholic diocesan bishops – see Briand-Ceretti Agreement. Many see being discreet with one's religion as a necessary part of being French. This has led to frequent divisions with some non-Christian immigrants, especially with part of France's large Muslim population. A debate took place over whether any religious apparel or displays by individuals, such as the Islamic hijab, Sikh turban, (large) Christian crosses and Jewish Stars of David, should be banned from public schools. Such a ban came into effect in France in 2004; seeFrench law on secularity and conspicuous religious symbols in schools. In the spring of 2011 there was a reinforcement of laïcité in hospitals, advocated by the Minister of the Interior, Claude Guéant, and in public service generally, by the official non-discrimination agency, la HALDE. The simultaneous broadcasting of the traditional Protestant and Catholic Lent Sermons (operating since 1946) has been interrupted. Earlier the broadcasting of the Russian Orthodox Christmas night liturgy was similarly stopped on 6/7 January.

The strict separation of church and state which began with the 1905 law has evolved into what some see as a "form of political correctness that made bringing religion into public affairs a major taboo."[12] President Sarkozy has criticised this approach as a "negative laïcité" and wants to develop a "positive laïcité" that recognizes the contribution of faith to French culture, history and society, allows for faith in the public discourse and for government subsidies for faith-based groups.[12] Sarkozy sees France's main religions as positive contributions to French society. He visited the Pope in December 2007 and publicly acknowledged France's Christian roots, while highlighting the importance of freedom of thought,[13] hinting that faithshould come back into the public sphere. Sarkozy publicly declared the burqa "not welcome" in France in 2009 and favored legislation to outlaw it, following which, in February 2010, a post office robbery took place by two burqa-clad robbers, ethnicity unknown, who after entering the post office, removed their veils.[14]

In line with Sarkozy's views on the need for reform of laïcité, Pope Benedict XVI on September 12, 2008 said it was time to revisit the debate over the relationship between church and state, advocating a "healthy" form of laïcité.[15] Meeting with Sarkozy, he stated: "In fact, it is fundamental, on the one hand, to insist upon the distinction between the political realm and that of religion in order to preserve both the religious freedom of citizens and the responsibility of the state toward them." [15] He went on: "On the other hand, [it is important] to become more aware of the irreplaceable role of religion for the formation of consciences and the contribution which it can bring to – among other things – the creation of a basic ethical consensus within society.”[15]

Following March 2011 local elections strong disagreement appeared within the governing UMP over the appropriateness of holding a debate on laïcité as desired by the President of the Republic. On 30 March a letter appeared in La Croix signed by representatives of six religious bodies opposing the appropriateness of such a debate.

A law was passed on April 11, 2011, with strong support from political parties as well as from Sarkozy, which made it illegal to hide the face in public spaces, affecting a few thousand women in France wearing the niqab and the burqa.

[edit]State secularism in other countries


Main article: organized secularism

In Belgium, "laïcité" has a double meaning. It refers either to the separation between Church and State or the community of citizens that reject religion and follow a secular way of life, such as free-thinkers. To distinguish between the two concepts, this community is also called georganiseerde vrijzinnigheid (Dutch) or laïcité organisée (French).

Under the Belgian constitution, ministers of religion are paid with government funds. The constitution was amended in 1991 in order to give the same right to persons fulfilling similar functions (mainly moral assistance) for the nonreligious. Public schools must now offer pupils the choice between religion courses and courses in non-religious morals.


Main article: Secularism in Turkey

In Turkey, a strong stance of secularism has held sway since Mustafa Kemal Atatürk's Turkish revolution in the early 20th century. On March 3, 1924 Turkey removed the caliphatesystem and all religious influence from the state. Sunni Islam, the majority religion, is now controlled by the Turkish government through the Department of Religious Affairs, and is state-funded while other religions or sects has independence, though limited, on religious affairs. Islamic views which are deemed political are censored in accordance with the principle of secularism.

This system of Turkish laïcité permeates both the government and religious sphere. The content of the weekly sermons in all state funded mosques has to be approved by the state. Also, independent Sunni communities are illegal. Minority religions, like Armenian or Greek Orthodoxy, are guaranteed by the constitution as individual faiths and are mostly tolerated, but this guarantee does not give any rights to religious communities. Turkey's view is that the Treaty of Lausanne gives certain religious rights to JewsGreeks, and Armenians but not, for example, to Syrian-Orthodox or Roman Catholics, because the latter ones did not play any political roles during the treaty. However the Treaty of Lausanne does not specify any nationality or ethnicity and simply identifies non-Moslems in general.

Recently, the desire to reestablish the Greek Orthodox seminary on Heybeli Island near Istanbul became a political issue in regard to Turkey's accession to EU membership. The EU considers such prohibition to amount to suppression of religious freedom. However, it is pointed out that if Greek Orthodoxy is allowed to reopen a school it will become the only religion in Turkey with the right to an independent religious school. Recent attempts by the conservative government to outlaw adultery caused an outcry in Turkey and was seen as an attempt to legislate Islamic values, but others point out that the legislation was intended to combat polygamy which is still common in rural areas, although not recognized legally. Also, as in France, Muslims are forbidden from wearing the hijab in government institutions such as schools (whether as teachers or as students), or the civil service. The ban in universities was briefly lifted in 2008, but reinstated by court order later that year.

[edit]Contrast with the United States

In the United States, the First Amendment to the Constitution contains a similar concept, although the term "laicity" is not used either in the Constitution or elsewhere, and is in fact used as a term to contrast European secularism with American secularism. That amendment includes clauses prohibiting both governmental interference with the "free exercise" of religion, and governmental "establishment" of religion. These clauses have been held by the courts to apply to both the federal and state governments. Together, the "free exercise clause" and "establishment clause" are considered to accomplish a "separation of church and state."

However, separation is not extended to bar religious conduct in public places or by public servants. Public servants, up to and including the President of the United States, often make proclamations of religious faith. Sessions of both houses of the United States Congress and most state legislatures typically open with a prayer by a minister of some faith or other, and many if not most politicians and senior public servants in Washington, DC attend the annual Roman Catholic Red Mass at the Cathedral of St. Matthew the Apostle regardless of their personal religious convictions. In contrast to France, the wearing of religious insignia in public schools is largely noncontroversial as a matter of law and culture in the U.S.; the main cases where there have been controversies are when the practice in question is potentially dangerous (for instance, the wearing of the Sikh kirpan knife in public places), and even then the issue is usually settled in favor of allowing the practice. In addition, the U.S. government regards religious institutions as tax-exempt 501(c)(3) non-profits provided that they do not overtly interfere with politics, which some observers interpret as an implicit act of establishment.[citation needed] Moreover, the military includes government-paid religious chaplains to provide for the spiritual needs of soldiers. In contrast to Europe, however, the government cannot display religious symbols (such as the cross) in public schools, courts and other government offices, although some exceptions are made (e.g. recognition of a cultural group's religious holiday). In addition, the United States Supreme Court has banned any activity in public schools and other government-run areas that can be viewed as a government endorsement of religion.

The French philosopher and Universal Declaration of Human Rights co-drafter Jacques Maritain, a devout Catholic convert and critic of French laïcité, noted the distinction between the models found in France and in the mid-twentieth century United States.[16] He considered the US model of that time to be more amicable because it had both "sharp distinction and actual cooperation" between church and state, what he called "an historical treasure" and admonished the United States, "Please to God that you keep it carefully, and do not let your concept of separation veer round to the European one."[16]

[edit]Proposal in Mexico

In March 2010, the lower house of the Mexican legislature introduced legislation to amend the Constitution to make the Mexican government formally "laico" – meaning "lay" or "secular".[17] Critics of the move say the "context surrounding the amendment suggests that it might be a step backwards for religious liberty and true separation of church and state.".[17] Coming on the heels of the Church's vocal objection to legalization of abortion as well as same sex unions and adoptions in Mexico City, "together with some statements of its supporters, suggests that it might be an attempt to suppress the Catholic Church's ability to engage in public policy debates."[17] Mexico has had a history of religious suppression and persecution. Critics of the amendment reject the idea that "Utilitarians, Nihilists, Capitalists, and Socialists can all bring their philosophy to bear on public life, but Catholics (or other religious minorities) must check their religion at the door" in a sort of "second-class citizenship" which they consider nothing more than religious discrimination.[17]

[edit]See also


  1. ^ Religion and Society in Modern Europe, by René Rémond (Author), Antonia Nevill (Translator), Malden, MA, U.S.A.: Blackwell Publishers, 1999.
  2. ^ Evelyn M. Acomb, : The French Laic Laws, 1879-1889: The First Anti-Clerical Campaign of the Third French Republic, New York : Columbia University Press, 1941
  3. ^ "France"Berkley Center for Religion, Peace, and World Affairs. Retrieved 2011-12-15. See drop-down essay on "The Third Republic and the 1905 Law of Laïcité"
  4. ^ "The deep roots of French secularism". BBC News. 2004-09-01. Retrieved 2010-05-07.
  5. ^ Jackson, Robert (2007), Religion and education in Europe: developments, contexts and debates, Waxmann Verlag, pp. 89–90
  6. ^ Collins Robert French Dictionary Unabridged, Harper Collins publishers
  7. ^ Ford, Caroline C. (2005), Divided houses: religion and gender in modern France, Cornell University Press, p. 6, retrieved 2012-02-10
  8. ^ TLFi dictionary:
  9. ^ Webster's Revised Unabridged Dictionary. Retrieved September 30, 2008, from website: laic
  10. ^ Excerpt of Nouveau dictionnaire de pédagogie et d'instruction primaire, 1911:
  11. ^ Burma, Ian (2010), Taming the gods: religion and democracy on three continents, Princeton Univ. Press, p. 111, retrieved 2012-02-10
  12. a b Beita, Peter B. French President's religious mixing riles critics Christianity Today, Jan. 23, 2008
  13. ^ Sarkozy breaks French taboo on church and politics
  14. ^ Burqa-clad robbers hold up post office
  15. a b c Allen, John L. (2008-09-12), "Pope in France: The case for 'healthy secularism"National Catholic Reporter, retrieved 2012-02-10
  16. a b Carson, D. A. (2008), Christ And Culture Revisited, Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing, p. 189, retrieved 2012-02-10
  17. a b c d Goodrich, Luke, Mexico's Separation of Church and State OffNews March 18, 2010, originally published in the Wall Street Journal

[edit]External links

François Bayrou From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

François Bayrou

François Bayrou
Leader of the Democratic Movement
Assumed office
30 November 2007
Preceded by Position established
Leader of the Union for French Democracy
In office
25 February 1998 – 30 November 2007
Preceded by François Léotard
Succeeded by Position abolished
Minister of National Education
In office
29 March 1993 – 4 June 1997
Prime Minister Édouard Balladur
Alain Juppé
Preceded by Jack Lang
Succeeded by Claude Allègre
Personal details
Born 25 May 1951 (age 60)
Political party Union for French Democracy (Before 2007)
Democratic Movement (2007–present)
Alma mater University of Bordeaux
Website Official website

François Bayrou (French pronunciation: [fʁɑ̃swa bajʁu] is a French centrist politician, president of the Democratic Movement, who was a candidate in the 20022007 and 2012 French presidential election.



[edit]Early life

François Bayrou was born on 25 May 1951, in BordèresPyrénées-Atlantiques, a village located between Pau and Lourdes. He is the oldest son of farmers Calixte Bayrou and Emma Sarthou. He first went to secondary school in Pay, then he transferred to Bordeaux.

François Bayrou has six children from his marriage (his wife Élisabeth "Babette" was 19 years old at the time of marriage). The family still lives on the farm in Bayrou's birthplace. Bayrou studied literature at university, and at the age of 23, sat the "agrégation", the highest qualifying level for teachers in senior high schools and universities in France. His father was killed in a tractor accident at that time.

Prior to embarking on his political career, Bayrou taught history in Béarn in the French Pyrenees.[1] He is the author of over a dozen books on politics and history, including one on King Henry IV of France. François Bayrou's hobby is raising horses. A practising Roman Catholic, he is nonetheless a fervent supporter of France's system of laïcité.

[edit]Political career

Bayrou, a member of the Centre of Social Democrats (CDS), the Christian Democratic componenent of the Union for French Democracy(UDF) confederation, was elected in the General Council of the Pyrénées-Atlantiques department in 1982, then in the French National Assembly four years later. After the victory of the RPR/UDF coalition in the 1993 legislative election, he became Education Minister in the cabinet led by Edouard Balladur. In this post, he proposed a reform allowing local authorities to subsidise private schools. This caused massive protests and was quashed by the Constitutional Council.

Despite supporting Édouard Balladur's candidacy in the 1995 presidential election, Bayrou remained Education Minister following Jacques Chirac's election and the creation of a new government headed by Alain Juppé. Following the change of majority in the "Plural Left in the1997 legislative election he returned in opposition and conquered the presidency of the UDF in 1998, after which he turned it into a unified party rather than a union of smaller parties.

In 2002 François Bayrou rejected the call to merge the UDF party over which he presided into a new entity with the Rally for the Republic (RPR) that would subsequently be named theUnion for a Popular Movement (UMP). As a consequence, many members of the UDF left for the UMP, while the remainder stayed with Bayrou inside the UDF.

François Bayrou has been increasingly critical of the course taken by the UMP-led government, which he deems to be out of touch with the average Frenchman. He denounces the de facto two-party system, in which the Socialist Party and the RPR (later UMP) have alternated. When in the majority the parliamentarians of both of these parties vote, nearly without question, for the laws proposed by the executive. Instead François Bayrou advocates a system where other voices can be heard.[2]

On 16 May 2006, François Bayrou voted for a motion of no confidence sponsored by Socialist deputies calling for the resignation of Prime Minister Dominique de Villepin's government following the Clearstream affair.[3] (As de Villepin's UMP had an absolute majority in the National Assembly, the motion failed.) Following Bayrou's support for this measure, France's television authority classified him as a member of the parliamentary opposition for timing purposes; however, after Bayrou protested, he was classified as a member of neither the majority nor the opposition.

In 2007, Bayrou contested the presidency once again. The possibility of a Bayrou presidency took the French establishment by surprise. It had been expecting the battle to be fought primarily between Sarkozy and Ségolène Royal of the Parti Socialiste, both very personable and media-friendly. The rise of Bayrou's poll numbers in February, however, complicated this "Sarko-Ségo" scenario, and raised the distinct possibility that the Parti Socialiste candidate would be excluded from the second round for a second straight election cycle, following the humiliating defeat of former Prime Minister Lionel Jospin in 2002 at the hands of right wing nationalist Jean Marie Le Pen. Ultimately, Bayrou was unsuccessful in his attempt to make it into the second round of the election, but he won 18.57% of the vote (6,820,119 votes) and came in a clear third behind the front-runners Nicolas Sarkozy of the UMP party and Royal of the Parti Socialiste. This was the best performance by the UDF in a Presidential election since 1981. Following the first round, Bayrou declared that he could not endorse either Sarkozy or Royal in the second round, although he did indicate that Sarkozy was the worst of the two choices on offer.

Following his loss, Bayrou announced his intention of forming a new centrist party, the Democratic Movement (MoDem). Only a handful of UDF politicians followed Bayrou; the majority opposed him and set up a rival party the New Centre party which pledged to support the alliance with the UMP. Most of the UDF's grassroots membership however, have remained with Bayrou. The MoDem was formed only weeks before the June 2007 French legislative elections, which followed the presidential election, but managed to capture 7.6% of the vote (the third highest). Despite this satisfactory result, which was higher than the UDF share of the poll of 4.9% in the 2002 elections, Bayrou's party managed to win only four seats, one of which was Bayrou's own seat. This was largely due to the French two-round electoral system which favors the two largest parties. The other parliamentarians elected on the party's list were Jean Lasalle, Thierry Benoit (who since then has left the party, to join the New Centre) and Abdoulatifou Aly. The creation of the MoDem led to the formal dismantling of the UDF alliance on 30 November.


[edit]2012 presidential election

François Bayrou at a meeting in Marseille

[edit]Preparing to be a candidate

August 18, 2011, Bayrou released his new book "2012. Etat d'urgence" in which he describes how and why the current economic crisis happened, and sketches the high-level priorities of his future presidential program: production and education.

Francois Bayrou confirmed his candidacy to the 2012 presidential election by answering with an assertive « yes » the question asked by the journalist Laurence Ferrari on her show Parole Directe (TF1) on November 25, 2011: "have you decided to be candidate in 2012".[5]

[edit]Early endorsements

[edit]Political views

François Bayrou in Strasbourg in 2007

François Bayrou has taken a strong stand on a variety of issues, including efforts to safeguard the credibility of the political process, personal freedom, and free software (see DADVSI). As French Presidential candidate he has described the EU as "the most beautiful construction of all humanity" (WSJ, 23 February 2007). He declared himself in favor of France taking a greater role in the European Union's affairs. He supports the ratification of a European Constitution in a more concise and readable form than the one voted down by the French electorate in 2005.[10]

When interviewed for a New York Times profile,[11] Bayrou described himself, saying: "I am a democrat, I am a Clintonian, I am a man of the 'third way'." He positioned himself as a centrist, although he has historic ties to the right. His platform promotes job creation, improvement of educational standards, improved conditions in the troubled suburbs, reduced government spending, a balanced budget and a stronger European Union, with France as its de facto leader. He has also criticized China's protection of the Sudanese government against UN Security Council sanctions. In contrast to Sarkozy, Bayrou was highly critical of the American economic model under George Bush and of the unregulated free market in general. His criticism was that the United States had a "survival of the fittest" system where it was often stated that money was people's only motivation, where higher education was too expensive, and where the middle class was shrinking.[11] Bayrou criticized the Iraq war, saying it was "the cause of chaos" in the region.[11]

François Bayrou in 2009

Among major French politicians Bayrou's general policy outlook is closer to Obama's than is that of Nicolas Sarkozy or of the Socialists Martine Aubryor Ségolène Royal[original research?].

Most recently, he has criticized the foreign policy of Sarkozy, for inviting the Libyan leader Muammar Khaddafi on a week-long state visit to France and signing military cooperation agreements with Libya.

In 2009, he criticized statements of Pope Benedict XVI which claimed that condoms promote AIDS. Bayrou called the remarks "unacceptable," adding that "the primary responsibility, particularly of Christians, is the defense of life...This is a continent in which tens of millions of women and men are dying."[12]

His call for France to boycott the 2008 Summer Olympics drew criticism at home and internationally.[citation needed][quantify] During a rally in Paris on 21 March he declared: "If this drama does not stop, France would do itself credit by not coming to the Olympic Games", criticising China's opposition to sanctions against Sudan over its involvement in the humanitarian crisis in Darfur. France has never boycotted any Olympics so far.[13]

[edit]Governmental functions

Minister of National Education : 1993-1995.

Minister of National Education, Higher education and Research : 1995-1997.

Electoral mandates

European Parliament

Member of European Parliament : 1999-2002 (Reelected member in the National Assembly of France in 2002)

National Assembly of France

Member of the National Assembly of France for Pyrénées-Atlantiques : 1986-1993 (Became minister in 1993) / 1997-1999 (Became member of European Parliament in 1999) / Since 2002. Elected in 1986, reelected in 1988, 1993, 1997, 2002, 2007.

General Council

President of the General Council of Pyrénées-Atlantiques : 1992-2001. Reelected in 1994, 1998.

General councillor of Pyrénées-Atlantiques : 1982-2008. Reelected in 1988, 1994, 2001.

Municipal Council

Municipal councillor of Pau, Pyrénées-Atlantiques : 1983-1993 (Resignation) / Since 2008. Reelected in 1989, 2008.

Political functions

President of the Union for French Democracy : 1998-2007.

President of the Democratic Movement (France) : Since 2007.

[edit]Notes and references

  1. ^ Kramer, Jane. "Round One", The New Yorker, 23 April 2007.
  2. ^ "Site officiel du Mouvement Démocrate - MoDem". Retrieved 2010-06-13.
  3. ^ "ANALYSE DU SCRUTIN N° 978 - Séance du 16 mai 2006". Retrieved 2012-04-14.
  4. a b "A junior minister snubs Sarkozy and endorses centrist". International Herald Tribune. 13 March 2007.
  5. ^ "Parole Directe-Bayrou annonce sa candidature pour la présidentielle 2012". 2011-11-25. Retrieved 2011-12-05.
  6. ^ "Arthuis: "Un seul candidat pour la famille centriste!"". 2011-12-01. Retrieved 2011-12-05.
  7. ^ "Bernard Bosson annonce son soutien au candidat Bayrou pour la Présidentielle". 2011-06-30. Retrieved 2011-12-05.
  8. ^ "Idrac : "Bayrou est le centriste authentique"". 2011-09-17. Retrieved 2011-12-05.
  9. ^ "Jean-François Kahn soutiendra à nouveau Bayrou à la présidentielle". 2011-12-04. Retrieved 2011-12-05.
  10. ^ "François Bayrou: "L'Europe, c'est pas fait pour être mini"". Euronews.
  11. a b c Sciolino, Elaine. A 'Neither/Nor' Candidate for President Alters the French Political Landscape, New York Times (8 March 2007)
  12. ^ "Le Parisien article". 2009-03-19. Retrieved 2010-06-13.
  13. ^ "Reuters AlertNet - Call for Olympic boycott stirs up pre-poll France". 2007-03-22. Retrieved 2010-06-13.


Bayrou is the sole author unless other names are mentioned.

  • La Décennie des mal-appris. [Paris]: Flammarion. 1990. ISBN 2-08-066472-7., subject(s): Enseignement—Réforme—France—1970-, Éducation et État—France—1970-.
  • Le roi libre. [Paris]: Flammarion. 1994. ISBN 2-08-066821-8. le Grand livre du mois 1994, subject(s): Henri IV (roi de France ; 1553–1610) -- Biographies, France—1589-1610 (Henri IV).
  • Le roi libre. Paris: France loisirs. 1995. ISBN 2-7242-8944-7.
  • Letamendia, Pierre (1995). Le Mouvement républicain populaire : le MRP : histoire d'un grand parti français. Paris: Beauchesne. ISBN 2-7010-1327-5., preface by François Bayrou.
  • Le droit au sens. Paris: Flammarion. 1996. ISBN 2-08-067204-5., le Grand livre du mois 1996, subject(s): Politique et éducation—France—1990-, France—Conditions sociales—1981-.
  • Gelly, Violaine (1996). François Bayrou : portrait. [Étrépilly]: Bartillat. ISBN 2-84100-048-6.
  • Le roi libre. Paris: Éd. J'ai lu. 1996. ISBN 2-277-24183-0., series: J'ai lu 4183.
  • Michelland, Antoine; and Séguy, Philippe (1996). François Bayrou : "et si la Providence veut". Monaco ; [Paris]: Éd. du Rocher. ISBN 2-268-02400-8.
  • France. Ministère de l'éducation nationale, de l'enseignement supérieur et de la recherche (1995-1997) (c1996). Les États généraux de l'Université. Paris: ONISEP., preface by François Bayrou.
  • France. Ministère de l'éducation nationale, de l'enseignement supérieur et de la recherche (1995-1997) (1996). Les États généraux de l'Université : intervention de François Bayrou, ministre de l'éducation nationale, de l'enseignement supérieur et de la recherche, Grand amphithéâtre de la Sorbonne, 18 juin 1996. [Paris]: [Ministère de l'éducation nationale, de l'enseignement supérieur et de la recherche].
  • Saint-louis. [Paris]: Flammarion. 1997. ISBN 2-08-067208-8.
  • Henri IV. [Paris]: Perrin jeunesse. 1998. ISBN 2-262-01301-2., subject(s): Henri IV (roi de France ; 1553–1610 ) -- Ouvrages pour la jeunesse.
  • Ils portaient l'écharpe blanche : l'aventure des premiers réformés, des Guerres de religion à l'édit de Nantes, de la Révocation à la Révolution. Paris: B. Grasset. 1998.ISBN 2-246-55981-2.
  • Henri IV : le roi libre. [Paris]: Flammarion. ISBN 2-08-067725-X., le Grand livre du mois 1999.
  • Bayrou, François; and Pierre-Brossolette, Sylvie (1999). Hors des sentiers battus : entretiens avec Sylvie Pierre-Brossolette. Paris: Hachette littératures. ISBN 2-01-235258-8.
  • Ils portaient l'écharpe blanche : l'aventure des premiers réformés, des Guerres de religion à l'édit de Nantes, de la Révocation à la Révolution. Paris: Librairie générale française. 2000. ISBN 2-253-14779-6., series: Le livre de poche 14779.
  • Chaline, Nadine-Josette (2000). Jean Lecanuet. Paris: Beauchesne. ISBN 2-7010-1405-0., "témoignages de François Bayrou et de Dominique Baudis", series: Politiques & chrétiens 16.
  • François Bayrou, Qui êtes-vous ? Que proposez-vous ?. [Paris]: Archipel. 2001.ISBN 2-84187-283-1., series: L'Info. Citoyenne.
  • Relève. [Paris]: Grasset. 2001. ISBN 2-246-61821-5.
  • Oui : Plaidoyer pour la Constitution européenne. [Paris]: Plon. 2005. ISBN 2-259-20183-0.
  • Au nom du Tiers-État. [Paris]: Hachette. October 2006. ISBN 2-01-237250-3.
  • Projet d'Espoir. [Paris]: Plon. March 2007. ISBN 2-259-20162-8.
  • Abus de pouvoir, [Paris] Plon, 2009 ISBN 978-2-259-20876-5
  • 2012, Etat d'urgence, [Paris] Plon, 2011 ISBN 978-2-259-21661-6

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Political offices
Preceded by
Jack Lang
Minister of National Education
Succeeded by
Claude Allègre
Party political offices
Preceded by
François Léotard
Leader of the Union for French Democracy
Position abolished
New office Leader of the Democratic Movement

Toonaripost - New EU Tobacco Policy Options May Increase Crime Risk

New EU Tobacco Policy Options May Increase Crime Risk

Posted by: TP Newswire    Tags:      Posted date:  April 3, 2012  |  No comment


A new report published on April 3, by Transcrime, the Joint Research Centre on Transnational Crime, warns that policy options being considered by the European Commission as part of the revision of the Tobacco Products Directive (TPD) carry a significant risk of increasing crime and the illegal trade in tobacco.

The report by Transcrime uses a widely endorsed crime proofing methodology that assesses opportunities for crime inadvertently created by regulation.

Analyzing all the proposed policy options for the revision of the TPD, Transcrime found three major policy areas which are likely to increase crime: generic packaging for tobacco products, implementation of a “polluter pays principle” and a ban on the display of tobacco products at the point of sale.

“The crime proofing exercise we have conducted has shown that some of the policy options envisaged by the European Commission carry significant risks of creating unintended opportunities for the illicit trade in tobacco products.

In particular, there is a high risk that a measure such as generic packaging may increase the counterfeiting of tobacco products and make it difficult for consumers to distinguish legitimate products from illegitimate ones,” said the report’s author, Professor Ernesto Savona.

Available information on the currently on-going impact assessment for the revision of the TPD indicates that the Directorate General for Health and Consumer Protection (DG SANCO) paid almost no attention to the potential impacts on the illegal trade in tobacco products.

“Contrary to their own guidelines, European policymakers rarely consider the crime risk implications when drafting new legislation and the revision of the Tobacco Products Directive by DG SANCO seems to confirm this,” continued Professor Savona.

In the report, Transcrime emphasizes the need for further research and attention by policy makers to assess, among the many consequences, also the crime impact of proposed tobacco policy measures, something that has been systematically overlooked so far.

“Regulation should be thoroughly proofed against the risk of creating opportunities for criminals. We know that the EU tobacco market is already extremely vulnerable to illicit trade and so greater caution should be exercised when considering the introduction of new policy measures in the tobacco market,” concludes Professor Savona.

The report “Crime proofing of the policy options for the revision of the Tobacco Products Directive” is available online:

About Transcrime:

Transcrime ( is the Joint Research Centre on Transnational Crime of the Universita Cattolica del Sacro Cuore of Milan and the Universita degli Study of Trento. Founded in 1994, its Director is Ernesto U. Savona, Professor of Criminology at the Universita Cattolica del Sacro Cuore in Milan.

Transcrime analyses criminal phenomena and strategies for preventing and combating crime and identifies innovative solutions for improving the efficacy and effectiveness of policies to prevent and combat criminal activities at local, national and international level.

Transcrime’s initiative to conduct crime proofing research on potential tobacco policy was welcomed by Philip Morris International who agreed to contribute financially to the research. Transcrime retained full control and stands guarantor for the independence of the research and its results.

About crime proofing of legislation:

Crime proofing is a scientific approach used to assess the impact of legislation on crime, a key element of which is Crime Risk Assessment.

The Crime Risk Assessment consists of three steps:

1) The Initial Screening based on a checklist of 7 risk indicators revealing

legislation requiring further assessment.

2) The Preliminary Crime Risk Assessment identifies crime risks unintentionally

created by regulation, focusing on the vulnerability of the market and the possible

risks arising from specific options

3) The Extended Crime Risk Assessment provides an analytical assessment based on

a set of indicators that assess the likely impact of the possible policy options on

the crimes, the perpetrators, the victims and the social costs.

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