Saturday, 10 September 2011

Martin Seligman on positive psychology

Ron Gutman: The hidden power of smiling

Marco Tempest: The magic of truth and lies (and iPods)

The Gypsies, their neighbours – and me stuck in the middle | World news | The Observer - inc Dale Farm

The Gypsies, their neighbours – and me stuck in the middle

Film-maker Richard Parry has been following the conflict over Dale Farm, Essex, for six years. Now, with a mass eviction on the way he asks if there is a better way of resolving such a long-running conflict

Dale Farm Travellers' site in Essex
Dale Farm Travellers' site in Essex. Photograph: Susan Craig-Greene for the Guardian

"We're not going to go peacefully – I can tell you that now," says Mimi Sheridan. Piles of gas canisters block the entrance to Dale Farm as Mimi and 50 families brace themselves for the final showdown.

I have been filming on and off at the Dale Farm Travellers' site, near Basildon in Essex, for six years. The site is Europe's largest illegal encampment of Gypsies. A thousand Travellers live there, but only half of them have planning permission for their pitches. After exhaustive legal disputes that have gone all the way to the House of Lords and the European court of human rights, this epic battle is reaching a climax. Basildon council has finally decided to go ahead with what will be the UK's biggest eviction in modern history. The Travellers have been issued with notices giving them until the end of August to leave.

I never thought I would see the day. For years the Travellers have said they would not leave without an almighty struggle. "Basildon will burn!" they vowed. They have threatened to bury gas canisters and fill ditches with petrol. If they were forced off, they said, they would block the M25 with caravans and pull on to the council's land instead.

These Travellers have welcomed me into their homes. They have shown me a part of British society that until recently was kept well-guarded. On the other side of the fence, literally, I have spent a fair amount of time with their arch enemy, Len Gridley, a local whose garden backs on to the site and who has pressed the council for 10 years to carry through its threat to evict.

On a personal level, it is hard not to warm to the Travellers. They are a vibrant, engaging, humorous lot, welcoming to those they perceive as friendly. I filmed Cathleen McCarthy only a week before she and her husband died in a caravan fire in 2005. I brought the recordings of her singing for her daughter to hear. It was the strangest day for me, as women in black gathered on the charred site to listen to the ghostly voice being played from a car stereo. I have also filmed her brother singing the same songs in his home in Rathkeale, Ireland.

You are either a friend or foe in Travellers' eyes, with not much of a grey area in between. Living cheek by jowl has not been easy for some of their neighbours. House prices have collapsed and they have been unable to sell up. And the one or two that have made a noise about the illegal plots at the end of their gardens have suffered the wrath of their enemy. Len Gridley has received public death threats and no doubt numerous private ones. Some Travellers have told me: "If we go, he goes." They have threatened that there will be "a price to pay".

There is a local, anti-Gypsy rhyme, popular with some: "The planning laws, they are a joke/ They don't apply to the pikey bloke." Now only Gridley is left with his head above the parapet. "I've had death threats on national television, I've had death threats in the lane, but I won't let them intimidate me," he says.

Interestingly, it turned out during my filming that Gridley had relatives who were English Gypsies. He has no problem with them, saying they have adapted to modern life and settled down. But Gridley's war with the Travellers now seems to devour his whole life. You wonder how he will fill his days when the eviction has come and gone.

If the Travellers don't go quietly (no one thinks they will), and the bailiffs and police move in, I seriously doubt that there will be anything less than a full-scale battle. More than 500 police and bailiffs will be needed to clear 500 Travellers from land that some of them say they are prepared to die for. The stakes are high and the two sides have been squaring up for years. On a personal level, I think the Travellers have taken this battle to heart. They are familiar with conflict and many of the older generation grew up on the roadsides, where life was tough and strife was common.

Mimi is one of the main contributors to our film. She is an Irish Traveller who lost her daughter in a motorbike accident two years ago and has been living in the shadow of that tragedy ever since. She has no savings and has little left to lose in a potential battle. She was deeply depressed after the loss of her daughter and might have ended her own life if it weren't for her Catholicism.

I am sure she will be at the forefront of any pitched battles. When the council tried to serve the 28-day notice (on 4 July) she and other women met them with a pile of gas canisters. They doused the canisters in petrol and stood threateningly with a lit lighter. As the bailiffs and police retreated, she immersed an old teddy bear in fuel, set light to it and threw it after them. "This is now a no-go site. They're not welcome any more."

I find myself conflicted. I have come to know these people, who have opened their doors to me and let me film them. I also understand and appreciate the need to enforce a green belt policy. But there must be a better solution than the primitive old-style evictions that they now face.

It will cost £10m and the question remains: where will these people go? The problem will not just disappear – it will merely be displaced to anger other communities.

• The Big Gypsy Eviction is on BBC1 on Thursday at 10.35pm

The Saturday interview: Vanessa Redgrave | From the Guardian | The Guardian - inc Dale Farm

Legendary actor and life-long activist Vanessa Redgrave on bad habits, brother Corin and why the battle for the beleaguered Travellers of Dale Farm matters so much to her

Vanessa Redgrave at home in london
'My politics have become rights-based. That’s my duty. I’m pledged to put children before anybody’s politics' … Vanessa Redgrave. Photograph: David Levene

When Corin Redgrave suffered a heart attack while pleading with councillors not to evict Travellers from Dale Farm in Essex in summer 2005, his sister, Vanessa, was thousands of miles away in the US. "If it wasn't for a Traveller giving him mouth to mouth, he would have died," she says. "As it was he had such loss of oxygen to his brain that he had extreme short-term memory loss. Forty Travellers came to the Basildon hospital to pray for him."

So is her current support for the Travellers due to be evicted from Dale Farm later this month to honour her dead brother? "Oh very, very, very much so. The Dale Farm Travellers are inseparable from him for me. It's totally personal. I wouldn't feel I could draw breath or act or anything if I didn't honour Corin and the Dale Farm Travellers."

At the time of her brother's collapse, she was playing Hecuba in Euripides's tragedy of maternal bereavement, while Corin, to whom she was close personally and politically (they were both veterans of the Trotskyist Workers' Revolutionary Party), had been playing the lead in the Globe Theatre's production of Pericles, Prince of Tyre. "I know what happened from Mark Rylance [the Globe's then artistic director] and from Kika Markham [Corin's wife]," she says staring glassily at the book-jammed coffee table in the living room of her west London flat.

Dotted around the room are Redgrave family memorabilia – father Sir Michael Redgrave's bust on a shelf above her Bafta award, a portrait of mother Rachel Kempson next to the book shelves. Vanessa's arrival into the world on January 30 1937 was made public by Laurence Olivier at a performance of Hamlet at the Old Vic, when he announced that Laertes (whom Sir Michael was playing) has a daughter. What an entrance into an acting dynasty: Laertes usually dies childless in act five.

"What was so wonderful about Corin is that he never stinted himself. He never said: 'I've got to save my energy because I've got to give five performances this week'. He'd go and stand up for beleaguered people. I'm so glad that he went to speak up for the Travellers, but I know he put his life on the line. He didn't think of that. I did."

Corin never did wholly recover. He returned to the stage in 2009, dedicating his opening-night performance in Trumbo, a play about the blacklisted Hollywood screenwriter, to Vanessa's daughter Natasha, who had died earlier that week in a skiing accident in Canada. Corin died in April 2010, aged 70, followed a month later by sister Lynn, aged 67, who died of breast cancer. Earlier this week, the Guardian printed a letter from Kika Markham complaining about an article which described Redgrave as an "angel of death" and suggested her recent support for the Dale Farm Travellers would harm their cause. The phrase, Markham wrote, was "crude and insensitive. Vanessa Redgrave knows a lot about angels of death from the last few years, as is well known. The fact that she is still able to fight on behalf of others should be cause for celebration."

I tell Redgrave that David Cameron earlier this week gave his backing to the eviction, saying that the basic issue was of fairness. Everybody – including Travellers – must obey planning laws. Ed Miliband also backed the eviction saying Basildon Council's decision to forcibly evict Travellers from the site on September 19 after 10 years of legal wrangling is justified. "I'm appalled," she says. "It's lamentable what these politicians say."

But aren't Cameron and Miliband right to say the evictions have to take place because some Travellers have flouted planning laws by building on a green-belt site? "It's a total confabulation to say that their eviction would be fair. Their eviction is going to break up a community at a time in Britain when all we see is communities being broken up." How? "Because they haven't been promised another site. The council have said they would provide alternative housing, but those aren't Travellers sites. Houses or bungalows or flats would be dotted around. That would break up the Traveller community."

Vanessa Redgrave shouldn't be giving this interview. Her doctor has told her she may have pneumonia and must rest, and her hacking cough suggests she isn't well. I think of what she's just said about her late brother putting his life on the line. You'd have thought she should reserve her strength for rehearsals for the West End transfer of the Broadway production of Driving Miss Daisy, which opens later this month.

While the photographer sets up, we sip espresso at her kitchen table. Redgrave lights up. "Oh, write about it if you want. But it sets a bad example, and I hate being a bad example. My doctor will be horrified." Her chosen brand is unexpected: American Spirit. "I'm an absolute addict. I only started smoking because I read a newspaper article when I was 24 in which Françoise Sagan was asked what she had for breakfast. What did she have?" Redgrave modulates effortlessly into a husky, sexy voice. "A cup of black of coffee and a Gauloise." Fifty years on, Redgrave is still having that Sagan breakfast – even though it's evening, and even though health-wise she really shouldn't.

I mention that I'm pleased to see she's not living in a slum. According to The House of Redgrave by Tim Adler, published earlier this year and serialised in the Daily Mail, by the turn of the millennium Redgrave had given away so much money she had hardly anything left. "Her home," wrote Adler, "was an unremarkable two-bedroom flat in Hammersmith, West London, [it's in Chiswick] with a bare bulb dangling in the hall." Our best thesp with a bare bulb! A bare bulb for the only British actress to have won Oscar, Bafta, Cannes, Tony, Golden Globe, and Screen Actors Guild awards! For a woman who became a Bafta fellow last year "in recognition of an outstanding and exceptional contribution to film"! Forget the Travellers, let's have a whipround for Vanessa.

"Oh, that book!" says Redgrave. "We took legal action." Adler's book, a lurid romp through Redgrave's seemingly torrid love life, portrayed her as a Trot nutcase who ruined her children's lives. For me the most plausible passage related how, during her dalliance with Timothy Dalton, the lovers had a six-hour row about the meaning of Hamlet's "To be or not to be" monologue. That sounds like our Vanessa.

On the plus side, the Mail serialisation yielded one of my favourite newspaper corrections, namely: "Our serialisation of a forthcoming book about the actress Vanessa Redgrave and her family on 7th May included the allegation that she had once found her husband in bed with her father. We accept that this incident did not take place and we sincerely apologise to Vanessa Redgrave and her family for the distress and embarrassment caused."

Her daughter Joely denounced the Mail and book in the Sunday Telegraph. "Vanessa would be the first to say her politics, or actions, have been misguided at times," she wrote. "But compare a woman who gives the shirt off her back (she does live in a small two-bedroom flat as a result – the book was right about that one) with newspapers or writers who profit from the misery of others … My sister and I have always worried about Vanessa's total selflessness, hence Tasha's very poignant present to mum shortly before she died – a little purse embroidered with 'save for a rainy day'."

"Do you know," says Redgrave. "I once spoke to Martin Luther King on the phone." What did you say? "'I want you to know you're fantastic'. I just burbled my admiration." Redgrave recalls this because the story of Driving Miss Daisy is set during the black civil rights struggle in the US, and traces the relationship of a prejudiced Jewish woman and her African-American chauffeur. "I thought I knew a lot about that period, but I learned a lot from Alfred Uhry [the playwright] and from James [James Earl Jones, who plays Hoke, her driver]. Especially from James. He was born in Mississippi and lived through horrendous racism. He became an actor when the Southern states would not show anything on TV a black American was in." It was little better in Britain, she suggests. "It's a period when the director who was to become my husband [Tony Richardson] had to battle with the BBC to cast a black actor as Othello."

She sees connections between Miss Daisy's prejudice and what she suspects lies behind opposition to the Dale Farm Travellers. "It reminds me of what James said when he heard that the Tea Party wanted to crucify Barack Obama. They attacked him because he's black. The hounding of the Travellers – because that's what it's been – is not dissimilar. Is it because some are Irish? I wouldn't know. Is it because there's a long-standing fear of gypsies and Travellers in the UK? I don't know."

Redgrave shows me the ring she wears on her wedding finger, for Franco Nero, the actor she met when he played Lancelot to her Guinevere in Camelot in 1967, the year she divorced Tony Richardson. In 1969, Vanessa and Franco had a baby called Carlo. Then, after nearly four decades, she and Franco were reunited in an unusual and apparently not legally binding wedding ceremony. That ring was put on her finger by Carlo, now 42. Why is she telling me this? Because it makes her remember Carlo's first nanny. "She was from southern Italy, and thinking about her makes me realise that northern Italians had the same rejection of southern Italians in 1969 as we're getting now in the frenzied anger about gypsies and Travellers. We're certainly in the area of prejudice."

Is it significant for her that in Driving Miss Daisy she plays a Jewish woman, given the allegations of antisemitism she has faced? "I was surprised when I was asked to play Miss Daisy and wondered if I could – only in part because she was Jewish but, also because she was a Southern woman who has hardly opened her mouth before she declares she's not prejudiced, and yet everything she does shows how totally prejudiced she is."

Redgrave was accused of antisemitism before and after the 1978 speech she made at the Oscars. She had just won the best supporting actress award for her performance with Jane Fonda in the film Julia, about a Jewish woman murdered by the Nazis before the war. In the speech, Redgrave rounded on "a small bunch of Zionist hoodlums whose behaviour is an insult to the stature of Jews all over the world, and their great and heroic record of struggle against fascism and oppression".

Why did she use the phrase "Zionist hoodlums"? "I was saying I pledge myself to fight antisemitism and I'm totally opposed to Zionist hoodlums because one had waved a whole lot of dollar bills at a public meeting in Los Angeles at which I wasn't present, saying, 'Who will get rid of a Jew hater?'. So you know, it was a pretty nervous context for the Oscars." There were also protests at her bankrolling and narrating a documentary called The Palestinian, which explored how the Palestinian people have been subjugated in Israel. A cinema in LA showing the documentary was bombed, and her effigy burned.

Have her politics changed since then? I ask because Joely Richardson wrote that her mum voted Lib Dem in the past two elections and would not "call herself a Marxist but a human rights activist". "My politics have become rights-based," says Redgrave. "That's my duty. I'm pledged to put children before the politics of any government, before anybody's politics or my politics. I worry for the children of Dale Farm. I want to ask, 'Why don't you, the council, contact the leaders of the Dale Farm Travellers and say you'd like to come down and talk. You say what you think, and please give your time to listen, especially to the mothers and children.'"

Redgrave won't return to the site soon. "I won't be able to because of this very diminished energy with which I've got to start rehearsals." It's time for me stop diminishing that energy further. Just before she trots off obligingly to have her picture taken, Redgrave says: "Forgive me if I sound pontifical, because I'm nobody really. You should be interviewing bishops, not me. It's just that my name catches attention for all sorts of reasons. It probably shouldn't. "

Driving Miss Daisy opens at the Wyndhams Theatre on September 26. Details:

Peter Dunne - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

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The Honourable
Peter Dunne

Minister of Revenue
Assumed office
17 October 2005
Prime Minister Helen Clark
John Key
Leader of United Future
Assumed office
Deputy Judy Turner
Preceded by Position Established
Member of the New Zealand Parliament
for Ohariu
(Previously Ohariu - Belmont)
Assumed office
17 July 1984
Preceded by Hugh Templeton
Personal details
Born 17 March 1954 (1954-03-17) (age 57)
Christchurch, New Zealand
Political party United Future New Zealand

Peter Dunne (born 17 March 1954), a New Zealand politician and Member of Parliament, leads the United Future political party. He has served as a Cabinet minister in governments dominated by the centre-left Labour Party as well as by the centre-right National Party. From 2005-2008 he held the posts of Minister of Revenue and Associate Minister of Health as a minister outside of Cabinet with the Labour-led government. After Labour suffered an election defeat in 2008 to the National Party, United Future was reduced to having Peter Dunne as its sole MP. However, in a deal between United Future and National, Dunne retained his two portfolios outside cabinet.[1]



[edit] Early life and family

Peter Dunne was born in Christchurch. He gained an MA in political science from Canterbury University before studying business administration at Massey University. He worked for the Department of Trade and Industry from 1977 to 1978 and then for the Alcoholic Liquor Advisory Council until 1984. He served as Deputy Chief Executive of the Council from 1980 onwards. He and his wife have two sons.

[edit] Member of Parliament

[edit] Labour MP

In the 1984 elections, Dunne successfully stood for Parliament, winning the seat of Ohariu as a candidate of the Labour Party, defeating National MP Hugh Templeton. Bob Jones, leader of the New Zealand Party (not to be confused with New Zealand First) also stood in the seat, splitting the National vote, and ensuring a Labour victory in the seat. He held that seat in the 1987 elections, after which he became a Parliamentary Undersecretary. Later, in 1990, he became Minister of Regional Development, Associate Minister for the Environment, and Associate Minister of Justice. He retained his seat again in the 1990 elections, but the Labour government suffered defeat, and Dunne lost his ministerial posts.

In the 1993 elections, Dunne won the seat of Onslow, which covered much the same area as his former Ohariu seat. He found himself, however, increasingly at odds with the majority of the Labour Party – Dunne tended to support Labour's right-leaning faction rather than the party's more unionist wing. With the departure of leading right-wingers like Roger Douglas, Richard Prebble and David Caygill he found himself isolated. In October 1994 Dunne resigned from the Labour Party, becoming an independent. A short time later, he established the Future New Zealand party (not to be confused with a later party of the same name).

[edit] United New Zealand Party

In 1995, however, a group of MPs from both Labour and National decided to band together and form a new centrist party. Dunne, who had already quit his party in a similar way, decided to join the larger group. Together, the defectors and Dunne established the United New Zealand party, with a total of seven MPs, led by Clive Matthewson. United eventually established a coalition with the National Party, with the deal seeing Dunne return to Cabinet as Minister of Internal Affairs and Inland Revenue. See [1]

The 1996 elections, however, saw United almost completely wiped out – Dunne, by virtue of his personal support, won the newly-formed seat of Ohariu-Belmont, but all other United MPs suffered defeat. As the sole surviving United member in the House, Dunne became the party's leader. Towards the end of the parliamentary term, Dunne became part of a varied assortment of minor parties and independents who kept the National Party government in office after its coalition with New Zealand First collapsed in August 1998. Dunne re-won his seat in the 1999 elections. In this contest, the National Party put up no candidate in his electorate.

[edit] United Future New Zealand Party

Parliament of New Zealand
Years Term Electorate List Party
1984–1987 41st Ohariu Labour
1987–1990 42nd Ohariu Labour
1990–1993 43rd Ohariu Labour
1993–1994 44th Onslow Labour
1995–1995 Changed allegiance to: Future NZ
1995–1996 Changed allegiance to: United NZ
1996–1999 45th Ohariu-Belmont 3 United NZ
1999–2002 46th Ohariu-Belmont 1 United NZ
2002–2005 47th Ohariu-Belmont 1 United Future
2005–2008 48th Ohariu-Belmont 1 United Future
2008–present 49th Ōhariu 1 United Future

Shortly before the 2002 elections, Dunne's United merged with the Future New Zealand party (not to be confused with Dunne's own earlier party of the same name). Dunne remained leader of the new group, called United Future New Zealand. In the 2002 elections, Dunne retained his seat despite challenges from both major parties. Mostly as a result of a strong performance by Dunne in a televised political debate, United Future surged unexpectedly in support, winning 6.69% of the nationwide party vote. In Parliament, United Future came to an agreement to support the governing Labour Party, although the two parties did not enter into a formal coalition arrangement. Dunne remained United Future's leader.

[edit] United Future New Zealand working with Outdoor Recreation

United Future, like other minor political parties working in coalition, suffered in the polls. The United Future entered an agreement to work formally with the Outdoor Recreation Party, a registered political party formed to represent the views of hunters, fishers, trampers and recreational users of the marine and natural environment.

Dunne retained his seat in the 2005 general election but his party's proportion of the nationwide vote diminished considerably, with a corresponding loss of seats in Parliament.

[edit] Fifth Labour Government

On 17 October 2005 Dunne gave his support to a new Labour-led Government, with the support of Winston PetersNew Zealand First Party and Jim Anderton’s Progressive Party.

Dunne’s decision to support a Labour-led Government disappointed some. During the election campaign Dunne and National Leader Don Brash publicly sat outside an Epsom café over a cup of tea as a demonstration to the electorate that Dunne could co-operate with the National Party. This demonstration saw the majority of National supporters in Ohariu-Belmont combine with United Future and other Dunne-supporters to return Peter Dunne with a comfortable majority. National won the party vote in his seat by 3.57 percentage points over Labour. Dunne's party received 5.55% ,while the Green Party, which Dunne had criticised heavily in the campaign, received 5.84%.

Dunne's decision to work with Winston Peters also couterpointed Dunne's previous comments about Peters' reliability. In one well-publicised press release Dunne reworded one of Peters’ well-publicised campaign phrases by saying "Can we trust him? No, we can’t!"

Don Brash expressed a lack of amusement with Dunne's decision to support a Labour-led coalition government. Brash expressed astonishment at Dunne accepting the important ministerial portfolio of Revenue while remaining outside Cabinet. Asked if he considered Mr Dunne guilty of dirty dealing, Dr Brash said he would not use those words. Representatives of business, however, welcomed the appointment.

After the New Zealand general election, 2005, United Future retained only two list Members of Parliament, Judy Turner and Gordon Copeland. Copeland left the party in May 2007 to re-form the Future New Zealand Party, after opposing Dunne over Sue Bradford's private members bill against parental corporal punishment of children. After Copeland's departure, Judy Turner remained the only United Future List MP in Parliament.

[edit] Fifth National Government

United Future's share of the party vote declined further in the 2008 election, to less than one percent.[2] However Dunne retained his electorate. The National Party won most seats overall and formed a minority government with support from Dunne, the Maori Party and Act New Zealand. Dunne retained his position of Minister of Revenue and also became an Associate Minister of Health. However, like Ministers from the other support parties, he remained outside Cabinet.[3]

Peter Dunne attracted attention during this term due to his decision to "plank" on a live TV programme following the deaths of a number of young people doing it in contrast to his normally sensible image. [4]

[edit] Political philosophy

This article contains weasel words: vague phrasing that often accompanies biased or unverifiable information. Such statements should be clarified or removed. (March 2009)

Dunne sees himself as a centrist and generally describes his policies as based on moderate liberalism and common sense. His supporters promote him as sensible and reasonable. Opponents incline rather to criticise him as a right-wing conservative, pointing to his opposition to drug-law reform, his opposition to the Civil Union Act (although he did support the legislation giving legal recognition to the institution of civil unions), his support for the tobacco industry, and his party's emphasis on family values. His record in Parliament has also come under scrutiny; supporters regard his willingness to work with either side of the House as a sign of reasonableness, while critics accuse him of opportunism, and of doing deals with anyone who can offer him something.

[edit] Social views

Against this, however, Dunne consistently supported Sue Bradford's Child Discipline Act, despite aversion to other elements of the Greens' social reform agenda, like decriminalisation of marijuana. He also strongly supported the decriminalisation of homosexuality when it became an issue in the mid 1980s, and has consistently favoured more liberal drinking laws. In a 2008 interview, he suggested it may be time to review New Zealand's abortion laws and leave the decision to a woman and her doctor, based on informed consent.[5]

Since 2007, Dunne has rebranded United Future as a modern centre party, based on promoting strong families and vibrant communities. He wants United Future to become New Zealand's version of Britain's Liberal Democrats. Dunne has summarised his political views in two books, Home is Where My Heart Is (2002) and In the Centre of Things (2005).

In 2010, Dunne, as Minister of Revenue he introduced the Taxation (Income-sharing Tax Credit) Bill to Parliament in September 2010, to give effect to UnitedFuture's policy of allowing couples raising dependent children up to the age of 18 years to share their incomes for tax purposes. The Bill was referred to a select committee and was reported back to Parliament in March 2011, and is currently awaiting its second reading. In April 2011, the government announced the establishment of a statutory Game Animal Council, another UnitedFuture initiative agreed to as part of the 2008 confidence and supply agreement.

[edit] Republicanism

Dunne strongly supports New Zealand becoming a republic, and holding an early referendum on the future of New Zealand's head of state is now part of United Future's policy programme.[6] In 2004, he chaired the Constitutional Arrangements Committee. Dunne also supports the creation of a New Zealand Day and has sponsored a members' Bill on the issue.

[edit] Political works

  • Dunne, Peter (2002). Home is Where My Heart Is. Wellington, [N.Z.]: United Future New Zealand. ISBN 0-473-08433-3. 
  • Dunne, Peter (2005). In the Centre of Things. Wellington, [N.Z.]: Dunmore Press / United Future New Zealand. ISBN 1-877-39903-5. 

[edit] References

[edit] External links

Wikinews has related news: New Zealand girls planned "undie run" defended by politician
Parliament of New Zealand
Preceded by
Hugh Templeton
Member of Parliament for Ohariu
1984 – 1993
Constituency recreated (as Ōhariu) in 2008
New constituency Member of Parliament for Onslow
1993 – 1996
Constituency abolished
Member of Parliament for Ohariu-Belmont
1996 – 2008
Constituency abolished (as Ohariu) in 1993
Member of Parliament for Ōhariu
2008 –
Party political offices
New political party Leader of Future New Zealand
1994 – 1995
Party merged into United New Zealand
Preceded by
Clive Matthewson
Leader of United New Zealand
1996 – 2000
Party merged with Future New Zealand into United Future New Zealand
New political party Leader of United Future New Zealand
2000 –
Political offices
New ministerial post Minister of Revenue
2005 –
[show]v · d · eCurrent leaders of New Zealand's major political parties
[show]v · d · eUnited Future New Zealand
Party leaders

Clive Matthewson · Peter Dunne

Current MPs

Peter Dunne

Former United Future MPs
Former United MPs
Related Parties
Name Dunne, Peter
Alternative names
Short description
Date of birth 17 March 1954
Place of birth Christchurch, New Zealand
Date of death
Place of death
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